The German cold shoulder to Open Balkans
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The most recent visit of outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel to the region, specifically to Serbia and Albania, was scrutinized into one singular dimension: whether she would endorse the controversial ‘Open Balkans’ initiative.
Indeed government friendly media in Albania, one day prior to the visit, rushed to proclaim that the Chancellor would most definitely speak in favor of this initiative and went as far as saying she would urge the Kosovo side to join in. They were proved laughingly wrong.
It should come as no surprise that Merkel chose instead to throw all her remaining clout (and there is plenty of that left) behind the Berlin process, her own political and strategic baby since 2014. “Nothing can replace the Berlin process”, the Chancellor said with her trademark decisive simplicity.
Caught slightly off guard, Albanian PM Edi Rama had to reiterate that Open Balkans was indeed a byproduct of the Berlin process whose objective was to accelerate it and which had nothing opposed to it.
This however deserves some closer scrutiny.
First, the Open Balkans initiative, unlike the Berlin Process, is not endorsed by all 6 WB countries. On the contrary Kosovo is very much opposed to it whereas Bosnia and Montenegro veer into indifference and annoyance with it.
Second, if the Berlin Process needs any acceleration, especially pertaining to Albania, this is the Albanian side’s fault. Albania ranks as the least successful country when it comes to preparing and winning relevant projects within the framework.This has to do with the lack of consistency (to say the very least) in its strategic development objectives as well as with the quality of its rule of law. Just as an example, it suffices to mention that not long ago the rehabilitation of one part of the Durres port was part of the Berlin process and now that the port will become a Marina built by an Emirati company that project bites the dust.
Third, it is because it is slow and well thought of that the Berlin process has some sustainable achievements such as RYCO (Regional Youth Cooperation Office) that were reached the long hard way. The Open Balkans achievements, when they come, will be vulnerable and dependent exactly on the kind of consensus over political sensitivities that it eschews.
Prime among them the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo that sits smack into the middle of the ‘freedom of movement’ goal. The abolishing of borders as impediments to trade requires first and foremost the acknowledgement of their existence.
Finally, the diplomatic lingo might accommodate the phrase that “ any form of cooperation is welcome'' however experts agree that the sheer quantity of regional platforms and mechanisms is taking a real toll on the actual implementation of agreements and overall quality of cooperation.
Rama, Vucic and Zaev might be impatient to promote their initiative in a context when they desperately need a positive story: integration is stagnant and democracies are in peril. Rama however is exceptional among the three in the passionate advocacy he does for it. However the visit of the Chancellor made it clear that this attempt to upstage the Berlin process has the German cold shoulder.